In April 2018, a sudden change of Swaziland’s country name was announced. The new name is Eswatini. This unilateral move was made by the current king, Mswati III, during a ceremony held to mark the 50th anniversary of independence from the United Kingdom. Why is it that the king’s unilateral decision prevails without going through democratic processes such as parliament or a national referendum?

Mandvulo Grand Hall of Lozitha Palace (Photo: 總統府/Flickr[CC BY 2.0])

Eswatini and its challenges

First, let us briefly introduce the country of Eswatini. Eswatini is a country in the southeastern part of the African continent, bordered by Mozambique to the east and surrounded by South Africa. Blessed with fertile land, a warm climate, and water resources, its main industry is agriculture. In recent years, the apparel industry has also grown significantly. For many years, asbestos was the most exported mineral, and coal and iron ore were also major export resources, but going forward the country appears to have a policy to increase exports of diamonds and gold. Historically, because it became a British protectorate in 1902, the official languages are not only the local siSwati but also English. The country gained independence from the United Kingdom in 1968, and a new constitution was enacted 10 years later. As a state system, the Swazi people, the largest ethnic group, form the base of the royal family, and the current king, Mswati III, ascended the throne in 1986 at the age of 18.

The first issue Eswatini faces is the poverty of its people. Eswatini is one of the poorest countries in Africa; out of a population of 1.2 million, 38% live on $1.90 or less per day. In particular, wages that are far too low in the apparel industry are a problem, and in 2018 more than ten thousand factory workers in the city of Nhlangano staged a protest. As a result, living standards are low: average life expectancy is 60 for women and 54 for men, which is considerably lower than the world average of 72.

Social problems in Eswatini are not limited to poverty; HIV/AIDS is also extremely serious. As of 2016, 27% of adults were infected with HIV, and in 2018 the leading cause of death among citizens was AIDS. In the same year, Eswatini had the highest prevalence rate in the world. However, there have been improvements regarding HIV/AIDS: due to policies such as increasing HIV testing among citizens and expanding antiretroviral therapy (ART), by 2016 the number of new infections had halved compared to 2011.

Village scene (Photo: Darron Raw/Flickr[CC BY-NC-SA 2.0])

An overbearing king

What greatly affects these problems is the king’s absolute monarchy. The poverty of the people is likely linked to the excessive concentration of wealth in the king’s hands. Because the details of how the national budget is used are not disclosed, parliament cannot debate the royal family’s budget and cannot judge whether expenditures on the royals are appropriate. Furthermore, in 2015 an increase was announced, and 5% of the national budget became the royal family’s budget. In addition, his lavish lifestyle is evident from the fact that in 2018 he received 150 million emalangeni in cash (about 1.6 billion yen) as a gift for his 50th birthday.

It is not only domestic assets that line his pockets. The late Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi is said to have deposited millions of U.S. dollars he owned in Eswatini. Recently, however, it came to light that the whereabouts of the funds are unknown. The truth has not yet been revealed, but there are suspicions that the king embezzled the money. While Mswati III enjoys such a luxurious life, ordinary citizens are forced to endure very harsh conditions: hospitals in Eswatini are unable to provide adequate treatment due to shortages of medicines, and schools cannot provide enough food for malnourished children.

Mswati III on his 48th birthday (Photo: GCIS(GovernmentZA)/Flickr[CC BY-ND 2.0])

Mswati III’s self-indulgence is evident beyond finances. In 2001, to primarily curb the spread of HIV/AIDS, he enacted a law prohibiting sexual intercourse with teenage girls, yet two months later, the very person who enacted it took a 17-year-old girl as his ninth wife. Later, the king fined himself one cow (※1) as a penalty (※2) for violating the law. While he did adhere to the violation provisions to the letter, the fact that he brazenly broke a law he himself had enacted in front of the nation drew criticism. In 2011, judges of the Supreme Court issued a declaration protecting the king from any civil suit. This stemmed from a lawsuit filed over a cow owned by a villager that the king had confiscated; dismissing this suit means the king occupies a position superior to Eswatini’s constitution, which provides that all people are equal. The king himself appears to believe he can change the law at will. Why do citizens tolerate such a situation? Can parliament not resist? To answer these questions, let us turn to the political issues.

The political system and its challenges

 Eswatini’s political system is said to be the last absolute monarchy in Africa, with the king wielding very strong powers. Parliament is a bicameral system with an upper house and a lower house: the upper house has 30 seats and the lower house 65 seats. Of the 30 upper house members, 10 are chosen by the lower house and the remaining 20 by the king; of the 65 lower house members, citizens choose 55 and the king selects the remaining 10, according to this system. Furthermore, the prime minister, ministers, senior civil servants, and judges are also appointed by the king. The convening and dissolution of parliament are carried out by the king. In 1973, the king also issued a declaration banning the formation and operation of political parties, and this continues today.

Parliament building (Photo: Bernard Gagnon/Flickr[CC BY-SA 4.0])

Although parliament is nominally bicameral and appears to have a democratic parliamentary system, in reality the king holds enough power to manipulate it. This is because the king has an outsized influence on the process of selecting members. In a truly democratic system, all members of parliament would be chosen by the people, but in Eswatini the king can freely appoint about 30% of the upper house and about 15% of the lower house. Moreover, as in 2013, the details of the 2018 election results were not disclosed; only the names of the winning candidates were announced, making it unclear whether those elected truly reflect the views of the majority. In addition, political parties are banned, so candidates must campaign as individuals, and voters cannot choose by party as in many other democracies. Even though it is extremely difficult to gather supporters in such circumstances, candidates are even prohibited from holding large rallies to gather residents. On top of that, the election campaign period is only two weeks, making it extraordinarily difficult to spread one’s manifesto single-handedly.

The king’s influence extends beyond parliament: the prime minister and ministers, who are the leaders of the government, are also chosen at the king’s discretion. Naturally, a government selected in this way would be heavily influenced by the king. Furthermore, the fact that he appoints senior civil servants and judges suggests these roles can no longer fulfill their core duty of protecting the public interest. As for government publicity, it publicly states that the current political system is rooted in Eswatini’s culture. Despite the many problems in Eswatini’s political system, the regional power South Africa and the regional bodies to which Eswatini belongs—the Southern African Development Community (SADC) (※3) and the African Union (AU)—do not seek to pursue issues of democracy and human rights as long as the situation remains stable. Moreover, SADC even commented that Eswatini’s 2018 elections were a success, while making no mention of the ban on political parties, among other issues.

Mswati III (left) and Jacob Zuma (former President of South Africa) (right) (Photo: GovernmentZA/Flickr[CC BY-ND 2.0])

Resistance to the king

Are citizens satisfied with their country’s politics? Of course not. According to a public opinion poll conducted by a local newspaper, 34 percent of citizens believe their country is not a democracy. However, the reliability of this data is uncertain, because the media faces harassment from the government if it reports critical of the king, leading to voluntary self-censorship of content. Even under such strict restrictions on freedom of expression, in 2019 nearly 3,000 citizens held a protest march calling for political reform. The king, however, abuses the anti-terrorism law to arrest people engaged in such pro-democracy activities, thereby suppressing the movement for democratization. Outside the citizenry, there has also been an institution that resisted the king in the past: the courts. In 2000 the Supreme Court declared a 1993 royal decree specifying crimes ineligible for bail to be unconstitutional. However, the Supreme Court judges who took this step all resigned in 2002 for having weakened royal authority. Furthermore, in 2014 the Supreme Court resisted the king’s judicial appointments and launched litigation concerning royal powers.

People who migrated from Eswatini to the United Kingdom staging a protest during Mswati III’s visit (Photo: Garry Knight/Flickr[CC BY 2.0]

Thus, in Eswatini, King Mswati III wields overwhelming control, which is the biggest obstacle to a democratic political system. But because criticism of the king or government invites punishment, the media—which should play an essential role in freedom of speech and the press—cannot function properly. Moreover, regional organizations such as SADC and the AU seem unwilling to call out Eswatini’s authoritarian rule. However, in recent years citizens and labor unions have begun to mobilize in resistance to the king. The courts are also gradually showing resistance. And now, a group opposing the 2018 name change has filed suit, and it has been reported that a trial is scheduled to be held. The courts, which can stand up to the king and actually have an impact, may hold the key to democratization.

※1　In Eswatini, cattle play an important cultural role, such as serving as gifts in marriage. In addition, because cattle can move with their owners even if they are driven off their land, they are also recognized as a convenient form of savings.

※2 　A fine of one cow or US$152 is imposed.

※3　 For the reduction of poverty and improvement of living standards for the peoples of Southern African countries, activities are carried out for the development of Southern African countries, peace and security, and economic growth, including efforts toward economic integration and conflict resolution and prevention, by the organization.

Writer: Ayano Shiotsuki

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