2025年5月11日、コンゴ共和国の首都ブラザビルで野党のコンゴ社会党の党首、ラッシー・ムボイティ氏が拉致されるというincidentが起こった。ムボイティ氏は2026年に行われる予定の大統領選挙の候補者でもあり、この拉致の裏には政府の関わりがあるとも主張された。9日後に重体のムボイティ氏がfoundされ、その体には拷問の形跡があったという。

コンゴ共和国の国家元首である大統領の任期は5年間であり、法律上は国民による直接投票でelectedされる。しかしその実態については、野党への圧力や抑圧に加え、通信の制限や報道の自主検閲、腐敗などにより公平性が確保されていないと考えられている。実際、現職の大統領であるドニ・サスヌゲソ氏は、1997年から一貫して大統領であり続けている。

 コンゴ共和国の権威主義的な情勢は、石油を軸として、政治の腐敗、外国企業の搾取構造、脆弱な経済と貧困、紛争など、この国を取り巻く様々な問題と密接に関係している。本記事ではこれらの問題を、経済、外国企業、政治、貧困、外交の観点からそれぞれ分解していきたい。

In 2023, Mr. Sassou Nguesso delivers a speech in Kigali, the capital of Rwanda (Photo: Paul Kagame / Flickr [CC BY-NC-ND 2.0])

About the Republic of the Congo

The Republic of the Congo is a country in Central Africa, bordered by Gabon to the west, Cameroon to the northwest, the Central African Republic to the north, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo to the east and south. It also shares a border in the southwest with Cabinda, an exclave of Angola. Note that the Democratic Republic of the Congo, despite its similar name, is a different country across the Congo River (※1).

Its territory of about 342,000 square kilometers is home to roughly 6.5 million people. The ethnic groups to which people belong are finely divided; while they once had relationships of competition and cooperation, since the colonial era interethnic conflict has intensified and become a pretext for political fragmentation. The official language is French, but in daily life, languages belonging to the Bantu family are widely used. Among the Bantu languages, Lingala is widely spoken in the northern part of Brazzaville, and Kituba is widely spoken in the area from Brazzaville to the coast.

Looking at the economic structure, the country is highly dependent on the oil industry, which accounted on average for 42% of GDP and 60% of exports over the 15-year period from 2006 to 2020. By contrast, the jobs created by this industry are relatively few, accounting for only 20% of the labor force.

Historically, it is thought that from around 1000 BCE, Bantu-speaking peoples began to settle in the lower Congo River basin. From around 1000 to 1500 CE, three kingdoms formed: Loango in the coastal region, Kongo in the southwest, and Tio in the north. In 1483, the Portuguese landed in the Kingdom of Kongo. While relations were initially friendly, Portugal soon began the slave trade to obtain labor for plantations in its colony on São Tomé. The slave trade flourished in the 17th and 18th centuries; many people were transported to colonies in Central and South America and forced to work there.

In 1880, based on a treaty concluded by French explorer Pierre de Brazza (※2) with the chief of the Tio, France asserted jurisdiction over the area corresponding to today’s Republic of the Congo. This region became a French colony as French Congo in 1891 and in 1910 became part of French Equatorial Africa together with surrounding colonies. Meanwhile, what is now the Democratic Republic of the Congo was under Belgian colonial rule.

Under French rule, forced labor, heavy taxation, and compulsory cash-crop production were imposed. In particular, during the construction of the Congo-Ocean Railway connecting the capital Brazzaville with the coastal city of Pointe-Noire from 1921 to 1934, harsh forced labor claimed the lives of between 15,000 and 20,000 people.

The Republic of the Congo gained independence in 1960, but politics remained unstable, and presidents were toppled through protests and military coups. Marien Ngouabi, who became president in 1969, espoused an African version of a Marxist state and advanced nationalization of foreign companies. However, this led to lower productivity. Meanwhile, oil extraction that began in 1972 became a major export industry; loans secured by oil were used to build out oil-related industries, yielding large profits. Yet policies favoring the north provoked backlash among southern residents, and he was assassinated in 1977.

Denis Sassou Nguesso, who became president in 1979, initially pursued balanced politics, but the economy slumped with the decline in global oil prices. In the 1992 election, Sassou Nguesso lost and Pascal Lissouba became the next president, but the confrontation with Sassou, who still retained influence, continued. Each side consolidated its support base along their respective ethnic affiliations and organized militias, which intensified the conflict and led to war in 1993. Some 2,000 people lost their lives in this, but Lissouba retained power.

Tensions rose again ahead of the 1997 presidential election, and a second conflict broke out in 1997. Supported by France and Angola, Sassou Nguesso emerged victorious. The second conflict did not subside even after a political settlement and continued until 1999, with total deaths estimated at between 13,000 and 25,000. Since this second conflict, Sassou Nguesso has continued to wield real power as president to this day.

Oil, foreign companies, and corruption

From here, let’s look at how oil has affected the Republic of the Congo. The country’s oil reserves are the 36th largest in the world, estimated at around 1.6 billion barrels. Exploitation of these abundant oil resources began in 1972 with drilling by Elf Aquitaine, a French state-owned oil company that once existed, and has remained a crucial factor shaping the country ever since. Let us revisit this country’s subsequent history through the lens of oil.

Pointe-Noire, the center of the Republic of the Congo’s oil industry (Photo: Molopipi Lulusse / Flickr [CC BY 2.0])

The rapidly developing oil industry of the 1970s generated great wealth. At the time, the Congolese government, which had adopted a socialist line, pursued expansionary fiscal policy, and to obtain funding, it drew loans from Elf Aquitaine backed by oil as collateral. In return, Elf Aquitaine received oil extraction rights at bargain prices and reaped huge profits.

As for the distribution of oil profits, in principle the government of the producing country has the authority to decide how they are distributed, but it has been pointed out that major oil companies used their advantages in drilling technology, information, and finance to negotiate favorable terms.

This relationship became an even more extreme structure of exploitation as oil prices collapsed. In addition, the Congolese currency, the CFA franc, was managed by France, preventing the country from pursuing appropriate monetary policy, which is thought to have further worsened its public finances. By 1985, 45% of government revenue was being used to service debt, and by 1990 the Congo’s debt exceeded US$4.7 billion, nearly twice its annual GDP.

Beyond this economic exploitation, there is also the view that Elf Aquitaine was deeply involved in the country’s political system. In fact, in January 1992 an incident occurred in which army soldiers targeted politicians opposing this exploitative structure, and there is testimony that Elf Aquitaine planned it (※3).

Some Congolese politicians also derived enormous personal gains from this structure. It has been pointed out that when politicians concluded loan agreements with Elf Aquitaine, they received huge facilitation payments commensurate with the amounts. In addition, when selling oil, Elf Aquitaine added US$0.2–0.6 per barrel and transferred the proceeds to overseas accounts belonging to the Congolese president and others. The total amount paid to Congolese politicians in this “markup” form between 1989 and 1992 is estimated at about US$64.8 million. These transactions were conducted through banks in Switzerland, Liechtenstein, and elsewhere. In this way, foreign companies, banks, and Congolese politicians profited from oil through opaque mechanisms.

Offshore oil production facilities operating in the Republic of the Congo (Photo: Stephane Lesbats / Wikimedia Commons [CC BY 4.0])

Pascal Lissouba, elected president in 1992, opposed this exploitative structure, which led to confrontation with Elf Aquitaine and the French government. Instead, Lissouba approached Occidental Petroleum, a U.S. oil major, and sold oil allocated to the Congolese government and rights to drill new fields for US$150 million. With these funds, he was able to pay overdue salaries to civil servants and secure a parliamentary majority, but the rift with the French government and Elf Aquitaine became irreparable.

 It also became clear that these oil companies were deeply involved in the conflict. Elf Aquitaine financed and supplied weapons to military groups opposing Lissouba. Not only that, it is said to have also facilitated arms purchases for Lissouba’s forces using oil as collateral. That said, as Sassou Nguesso was viewed as more favorable to the company’s interests, Elf is believed to have provided him more generous support, even hiring public relations consultants to polish his image.

From around the 1980s, Elf Aquitaine’s corruption gradually came to light, and by 2003 it had come to be recognized as the largest scandal in the West since World War II. In Africa, the company sent bribes not only to the Republic of the Congo but also to Gabon, Angola, and Cameroon; of these, payments to Gabon are thought to have totaled US$16.7 million annually.

In 2000, Elf Aquitaine was acquired by another French oil company, TotalFina, becoming TotalFinaElf. In 2021 it changed its name to TotalEnergies. However, despite the name change, the structure of exploitation and corruption appears to have continued.

Beginning with the arrest in Portugal in 2016 of José Veiga, known as Sassou Nguesso’s right-hand man, on charges including money laundering, tax evasion, and transnational corruption, suspicions emerged that Total and the Italian oil major Eni were involved in corruption scandals. Moreover, counterparties of the Congolese state oil company SNPC, which is strongly suspected of corruption, include not only Total and Eni but also the U.S. oil company Chevron and trading giants Glencore and Trafigura, raising concerns that illegal activities may be occurring behind the scenes.

Eni’s base near Pointe-Noire (Photo: jbdodane / Flickr [CC BY-NC 2.0])

Regarding Eni in particular, an investigation began in 2017 on suspicion that it paid bribes in 2015 to secure oil exploration rights in the Republic of the Congo. In 2021, Eni proposed resolving the case by paying a settlement equivalent to US$14 million to the Milan court in Italy. The company asserted that this proposal did not constitute an admission of guilt but was intended to conclude judicial proceedings. The court accepted the proposal, and in 2023 prosecutors also decided not to pursue charges.

As we have seen, foreign companies have been deeply involved in the politics and economy of the Republic of the Congo. While there is no decisive proof since 2000, suspicious relationships appear to have persisted.

1997年に大統領に返り咲いたサスヌゲソ氏は、その立場を汚職と抑圧によって強固なものにしている。まずここでは汚職について見ていこう。コンゴ共和国の2024年の腐敗認識指数（※4）は100点中23点で、これは180カ国中151位とratedされている。

実際に2019年4月、サスヌゲソ氏の娘のクラウディア氏がコンゴ共和国の公的資金から2,000万米ドルを横領し、アメリカのドナルド・トランプ氏が所有するマンションで現金化していたことがrevealedされた。また同年9月には、サスヌゲソ氏の息子のクリステル氏はコンゴ共和国の国庫から5,000万米ドルを横領したとreportedされた。これらの不正な資金流出は、ヨーロッパや英領ヴァージン諸島などの中南米の国々を経由して行われたと指摘されている。さらに2020年には実質的にクリステル氏が所有していたアメリカのマイアミにある高級マンションの一室が、不正な資金で購入されたものとして当局にseizedされた。

なお、クラウディア氏とクリステル氏はどちらもコンゴ共和国の国会の議員であり、前者は大統領の広報担当責任者、後者はSNPCの元副社長であった。

Mr. Denis Christel Sassou Nguesso (left) meets with the President of Rwanda (right) (Photo: Paul Kagame / Flickr [CC BY-NC-ND 2.0])

These cases are thought to represent only a small portion of the corruption pervasive in the Republic of the Congo. And these corrupt practices are believed to be deeply connected to the state oil company. The NGO Natural Resource Governance Institute (NRGI), which works to improve transparency in countries’ oil and gas sectors, describes three types of corruption involving national oil companies: bribery by employees, self-dealing with politically connected companies, and embezzlement of company funds. All of these forms of corruption are said to have occurred in the Congolese cases.

It is also noted that shell companies and foreign bank accounts were used to conceal illicit financial flows. Thus, tax havens that serve as waystations for funds can profit by hiding and supporting the illegal movement of capital.

In addition, the weakness of the systems that manage the Congo’s public finances is a major problem. The absence of an effective auditing institution to oversee national oil strategy and fiscal spending is said to hinder the effective use of oil resources.

Authoritarianism and repression

Turning to repression, the Republic of the Congo’s oil resources can be seen as strengthening the government’s authoritarianism. It is believed that countries whose economic structures depend on exporting natural resources tend to have more authoritarian governments. The mechanism is explained as follows: since a large share of government revenue comes from natural resources and the proportion from citizens’ taxes is low, the government’s accountability to citizens is weakened, allowing it to act more autonomously (※5).

Indeed, Mr. Sassou Nguesso is among the world’s longest-serving leaders, and his power and influence have become immense. In the 2015 constitutional revision, restrictions on presidential candidacy—namely the under-70 age requirement and the prohibition of a third term—were abolished, removing legal barriers to the re-election of Mr. Sassou Nguesso, who was then 71 and serving his second term. Notably, Pauline Makaya, an opposition leader who participated in protests against the revision, was arrested in November 2015 and convicted for participating in an unauthorized protest.

A publicity design created for the 2016 presidential election. The lower text in French means “Choice of the Youth.” (Photo: Kim Yi Dionne / Flickr [CC BY-NC-SA 2.0])

In March 2021, when the most recent presidential election was held, communications such as the internet were shut down in central Brazzaville, stores across town were closed, and the election proceeded amid a heavy security presence with law enforcement vehicles deployed. As a result, Mr. Sassou Nguesso was re-elected president with over 88% of the vote.

The legitimacy of this administration has been criticized. Authorities are said to detain opposition supporters and human rights activists in the name of maintaining order, intensifying repression of dissent against the government in practice. Members of labor unions, activists, lawyers, and journalists are also reportedly harassed by authorities. Although the causal link is not necessarily clear, a presidential election was held the year after the 2015 constitutional revision, and in that year the Republic of the Congo’s military spending reached a high level of about 4.6% of GDP.

The Congolese press, which plays an important role in realizing democracy, is believed to be heavily influenced by self-censorship and the intentions of media owners, and independent reporting is constrained. Cases of journalists being detained are frequently documented, and according to Reporters Without Borders, the 2025 press freedom ranking is 71st out of 180 countries.

There is also a general tendency among oil-producing countries to adopt more authoritarian and militaristic policies, as reported. Politicians profit from illicit bribes and a lack of transparency from oil companies, giving them an incentive to suppress democratic movements that demand transparency and fairness. And to suppress democratic activity, governments tend to increase military capacity using oil as a funding source. These tendencies align with the politics and history of the Republic of the Congo as we have seen.

Inequality, poverty, and pollution

As we have seen, an extractive structure centered on oil has taken shape in the Republic of the Congo, in which oil companies and politicians reap enormous profits. This structure is sustained by imposing costs on Congolese citizens in various ways.

Oil facilities operated by the Total group in the Republic of the Congo (jbdodane / Flickr [CC BY-NC 2.0])

From 2015 to 2023, the Republic of the Congo’s GDP recorded an annual growth rate of 1.9% on average. However, during this period, GDP per capita fell by 32%. Youth unemployment is estimated to exceed 41%, and in November 2023 a crowd crush occurred when young people seeking jobs thronged an army recruitment briefing, leaving at least 37 dead on the scene. The share of people in the Republic of the Congo living below what is called the “ethical (ethics-based) poverty line” (※6) exceeded 78% in 2011, the latest year for which World Bank figures are available. There are also large disparities within the country between urban and rural areas as noted.

Infrastructure remains inadequate as well: electricity supply reached only 51.3% of the population as of 2023. As a result, many residents must purchase expensive generators to secure power for daily life.

Thus, despite its abundant resources, many people in the Republic of the Congo live in poverty. One factor is the outflow of wealth caused by the exploitative structures of oil companies and corruption by politicians as discussed above, but other scenarios are also worth considering. Here, let us consider the industrial structure.

 In general, when abundant natural resources are discovered, investment in resource development and foreign currency inflows from resource exports increase. This leads to currency appreciation; import industries boom, but export industries—especially manufacturing and agriculture unrelated to resources—face higher hurdles to export. As a result, over the long term, employment outside resource-related sectors declines and unemployment rises, while the development of non-resource industries is hindered and the economy tends to become a monoculture (※7).

It is also believed that the normalization of taking out large loans backed by oil worsened poverty. Fiscal deficits caused by debt service translate into cuts in public services, leading to shortages of medicines and declines in education levels. In fact, between 2015 and 2018, public spending fell to less than half; people were unable to receive pensions, and hospitals suffered from chronic underfunding.

A view of Brazzaville, the capital of the Republic of the Congo (Фотобанк Moscow-Live / Flickr [CC BY-NC-SA 2.0])

Furthermore, tax evasion by oil-related companies has been identified as another factor worsening fiscal deficits. A 2004 audit report found that costs were overstated by US$127 million across 9 projects conducted by oil companies such as Total and Eni, potentially depriving the Congolese government of US$63.5 million in tax revenue (※8).

While not part of the state budget, the financial condition of SNPC must also be considered when assessing the country’s finances. Although SNPC is a state-owned enterprise of the Republic of the Congo, as of 2018 it was estimated to have about US$3.3 billion in liabilities. As a state-owned company, the state bears responsibility for its management, so SNPC’s liabilities can become liabilities of the Republic of the Congo. Therefore, if oil is depleted or demand declines, the country’s public finances could face additional burdens.

An industrial structure reliant on natural resources imposes not only economic but also environmental burdens. In 2011, an oil spill occurred in Lubi Lagoon near Pointe-Noire, the center of the Congolese oil industry, causing major impacts on local fisheries. It is believed that since the 1990s a cumulative 96,000 liters of crude oil have spilled into the lagoon, causing severe harm to residents’ health and local ecosystems.

Diversifying diplomacy

Foreign companies seeking oil converge on the Republic of the Congo, and this means oil plays a significant role in the country’s diplomacy as well. While the country once had deep ties with oil companies from France and Italy, in recent years it has been moving to diversify these relationships.

Indeed, it is noted that since around 2016, the Republic of the Congo has strengthened its relationship with China. Within this relationship, China provides economic support to the Congo, and the Congo supports China diplomatically. In May 2024, the country also announced refurbishment of a Chinese oil company’s refining facility.

A Chinese-owned cement plant in the Republic of the Congo (Kianguebene / Wikimedia Commons [CC BY-SA 4.0])  

In September 2024, the country also agreed with Russia to build a new pipeline between Pointe-Noire and Brazzaville. Some view this move not merely as economic cooperation but as a new extractive arrangement and a means for Russia to secure diplomatic support through influence.

Furthermore, in November 2024, the country signed a contract with the state oil company of Azerbaijan—previously a minor partner—to modernize petroleum refining equipment. It is also reported to be in contact with Algeria’s state oil company.

These moves can be understood not only as diplomatic changes but also as industrial ones. Building out refining facilities and pipelines strengthens the downstream sector—areas such as refining and transportation that have been lacking in the Congo. These developments are also expected to lead to more local employment.

Toward politics not reliant on oil

In the Republic of the Congo, an extractive structure centered on oil has been formed by politicians and their families, foreign companies, and foreign governments; corruption and repression have become normalized; and extreme inequality has emerged. The durability of this system is demonstrated by Mr. Sassou Nguesso’s nearly 30-year-long rule.

However, the use of fossil fuels such as oil is unquestionably damaging the planet, and the harms of climate change are growing. In this context, oil-dependent economies are entering a period in which transformation is imperative. In 2025, the Republic of the Congo announced a plan to double its power generation capacity to 1,500 megawatts by 2030, focusing on renewable energy. The country is also blessed with water resources, and it is estimated that up to 14,000 megawatts could be generated.

While leveraging these resources, the government can most quickly break free from dependence on oil by increasing political transparency and implementing long-term policies.

The cityscape of Pointe-Noire, Republic of the Congo (Photo: David Stanley / Wikimedia Commons [CC BY 2.0])

※1 Regarding the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Republic of the Congo, both country names derive from the Bakongo, the majority among ethnic communities settled in the region. Although they share the same origin, the existence of two countries is rooted in European colonization from the 15th century onward: the area corresponding to today’s Republic of the Congo fell under French control, and the larger-area Democratic Republic of the Congo fell under Belgian control. Since then, the two have followed separate histories as distinct countries.

※2 The Congolese capital Brazzaville is named after Pierre de Brazza; in French it means “City of Brazza.”

※3 In this incident, supporters of the targeted politician obstructed the soldiers, who eventually withdrew.  

※4 The Corruption Perceptions Index is published by the NGO Transparency International, which monitors corruption worldwide; it measures subjective perceptions of public-sector corruption rather than actual corruption. A score of 0 indicates the highest perceived risk of corruption.

※5 Such states are called “rentier states,” and are common among oil producers.

※6 The World Bank’s extreme poverty line is living on US$2.15 per day. However, this line is set excessively low; as an alternative measure, the “ethical (ethics-based) poverty line,” set at US$7.4 per day and based on the relationship between poverty and life expectancy, is proposed.

※7 This phenomenon is observed in many countries where new natural resources have been discovered and is known as the Dutch disease.

※8 This figure assumes that the government could receive 50% of oil profits.

Writer: Seita Morimoto

Graphic: MIKI Yuna

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