The Republic of Guinea borders Guinea-Bissau, Senegal, and Mali to the north, and Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Côte d’Ivoire to the south. To distinguish the former French colony of Guinea from neighboring Guinea-Bissau, a former Portuguese colony, it is also called Guinea-Conakry. It is a country blessed with natural resources, energy, and fertile land. Under the leadership of Ahmed Sékou Touré, a key figure in Africa’s decolonization, Guinea, then a French colony, declared the first independence in West Africa in 1958. Since then, Guinea’s politics and economy have experienced ups and downs. Having angered France with its declaration of independence, Guinea had to seek assistance from other countries to advance economic development and establish infrastructure for nation-building.

As of 2024, many of Guinea’s 14.5 million people are among the world’s poorest, and the country ranks 181st in the latest UN Human Development Index. This poverty contrasts sharply with Guinea’s abundance of natural resources essential to industries in high-income countries. Sixty-seven years after independence, Guinea remains in the throes of economic and political instability. Examining the country’s politics, natural resource management, and cross-border corruption can help explain this paradox of poverty amid wealth.

Bauxite carried by train (Photo: Igor Grochev / Shutterstock.com)

From ancient empires to independence

The territory now known as the Republic of Guinea was part of several West African empires until the 15th century, beginning with the Ghana Empire from 300 to 1100. During this period, Islam spread to the region through North African merchants, laying the foundations of today’s religious landscape. After the collapse of the Ghana Empire, the Sosso Empire flourished, but in 1235 Sundiata Keita, the leader of the Mali Empire, defeated the Sosso ruler Sumanguru Kante at the Battle of Kirina. In the 15th century, the Mali Empire declined and the Songhai Empire arose, surpassing Mali in territory and wealth. The Songhai Empire fell into conflict, was devastated, and fragmented into small kingdoms. After the fall of these West African empires, various kingdoms existed in the region, but the arrival of European traders in the 17th century and the subsequent French military campaigns brought major changes.

Guinea’s colonial era began with the entry of French troops in the mid-19th century. French rule was secured in 1898 when the forces of Almamy Samory Touré, who fiercely opposed colonization, were defeated. This defeat allowed France to control present-day Guinea and adjacent areas, and eventually French colonial rule was established.

Guinea’s path to independence was unusual among France’s African colonies. In 1958, under Ahmed Sékou Touré, Guinea rejected France’s 1956 reform law (the “Loi-cadre”). The reform was meant to respond to calls for independence by devolving significant administrative powers to the colonies. The problem was that France would continue to control the colonies’ foreign affairs, currency, and economic matters.

Touré declared, “We prefer poverty in freedom to riches in slavery,” rejecting Guinea’s membership in the French-led French West African Community and the role of junior partner to France. That same year, the Republic of Guinea was born, with Touré as its first president and hailed as the father of independence. In response—and as a message to other French African colonies seeking independence—France withdrew from Guinea within two months, taking everything it could. In the capital, Conakry, they tore up plans for sewer tunnels, unscrewed lightbulbs, and burned all the medicines. Nothing was left for Guineans.

This newly independent land of 245,860 square kilometers is the source of many West African rivers, including the Niger, Gambia, and Senegal. The population is composed of multiple ethnic groups, primarily the Peul (Fula or Fulani), Malinké (Mandingo), and Soussou. Seven national languages are widely used, with French, Peul, and Arabic among the main languages.

From dictatorship to coups

Guinea’s post-independence history has been marked by authoritarian rule, political instability, and military coups. The country’s first president, Touré, established a one-party state and ruled harshly and repressively from 1958 until his death in 1984. Under his rule, Guinea sought support from the former Soviet Union and became a flashpoint of the Cold War. Kwame Nkrumah, Ghana’s first president, became a friend of Touré. They created the Ghana–Guinea Union in 1958, which expanded in 1961 when Mali under Modibo Keita joined, becoming the Ghana–Guinea–Mali Union. The union, however, was short-lived and dissolved in 1963.

While Touré’s regime was marked by repression, human rights abuses, economic hardship, and the flight of many opponents and citizens abroad, it should not be overlooked that France sought to undermine him. The French government pursued various schemes to weaken Guinea’s leader, render him unpopular, and enable opponents to seize power. Projects to destabilize Guinea began in 1959. The country had already planned to stop using the CFA franc, the currency of the French African Community managed by France. When Guinea replaced the CFA with its own currency, the Guinean franc (GNF), France countered with “Operation Persil,” a plan to flood the country with counterfeit Guinean banknotes to upset the economy.

After this sabotage, the former colonial power gathered Guinean refugees from neighboring countries and set up anti-government forces in the Guinean highlands. French covert-operations specialists equipped and trained forces opposed to the Guinean government (many of them Fulani), to create a climate of tension in Guinea and, if possible, topple Touré’s regime. A 1960 plot to overthrow the father of independence marked the beginning of a long period of repression by the Guinean government. Matters worsened in 1970 when about 300 Guinean rebels landed at night in Conakry from Guinea-Bissau. The raid failed, and the regime intensified its repression. These difficult political and economic conditions contributed to poverty persisting in this resource-rich country until Touré’s death in 1984.

President Touré during a 1982 visit to the United States (Photo: William Firaneck / NARA & DVIDS [Public domain])

After Touré’s death, the military organized the Military Committee of National Recovery (CMRN) under Colonel Lansana Conté, seized power, and established the Second Republic. The new government also released all political prisoners and committed to protecting human rights. Conté initiated economic liberalization, promoted private enterprise, encouraged foreign investment, and reversed a steadily declining economy by developing the country’s natural resources. In 1990, Guineans approved a new constitution by referendum that established the Third Republic and created a Supreme Court. Although a new multiparty constitution emphasizing democracy and a market economy was introduced in 1991, an authoritarian system persisted until Conté’s death in 2008.

In 2008, another military coup took place, and Captain Moussa Dadis Camara took power. His rule was short-lived, and in 2009 a brutal crackdown on protests occurred. According to reports, at least 200 people were killed, and women and girls were raped. After Camara was wounded in an attempted counter-coup, his deputy, Sékouba Konaté, took the reins and refused to allow the injured leader to return to the top of the military. Konaté worked with civil society and international partners to organize a landmark election in 2010, called “Guinea’s first free presidential election.” In the first democratic election since independence, veteran opposition politician Alpha Condé became president.

However, Guineans’ hopes for a new democratic era were quickly dashed. After winning re-election in 2015, Condé amended the constitution four years later to run for a third term, prompting protests. Demonstrations were particularly intense in the capital, Conakry, and in 2021 a coup toppled Condé’s government. The National Committee of Reconciliation and Development (CNRD), led by Colonel Mamadi Doumbouya, then commander of the country’s special forces, seized power. He accused Condé of corruption, human rights abuses, and misrule, and promised a short transition. However, four years on, Mamadi Doumbouya remains in the presidency. In April 2025, it was finally announced that a referendum would be held in September to pave the way for elections.

Former President Alpha Condé (Photo: Paul Kagame / Flickr [CC BY-NC-ND 2.0])

Mineral potential

Guinea’s political turmoil is closely tied to its natural resources. Bauxite, iron ore, diamonds, and gold are the most significant sources of mineral wealth. Guinea holds a third of the world’s bauxite reserves, along with abundant high-grade iron ore, major diamond and gold deposits, and a substantial—though unconfirmed—amount of uranium. Bauxite mining and alumina production are essential to producing aluminum-based products used worldwide. In 1997, Anglo-Australian mining giant Rio Tinto, one of the world’s largest iron ore producers, began exploration of Simandou Mountain in Guinea. Exploration showed that Simandou contains an iron ore deposit with reserves of 2 billion tons and some of the highest-grade iron ore (66%–68%). Bringing Simandou into production could boost GDP by around US$6 billion, potentially expanding the nominal size of the economy of this poor country significantly.

In 2023, Guinea’s main exports were gold at US$9.65 billion and aluminum ore at US$7.62 billion. Diamond mining and exports are also active, bringing in additional foreign exchange. However, this abundance of minerals has not, so far, translated into prosperity for Guineans. On the contrary, it has fueled corruption, environmental degradation, and social conflict. While the sector contributes substantially to GDP, mining is plagued by corruption allegations at all levels of government and among foreign investors, feeding governance problems and political instability.

Corruption and resource governance

Ahmed Sékou Touré left a legacy as a pragmatic leader who did not embezzle public resources or accumulate personal wealth. Things were different under Lansana Conté. In the 1990s during the Conté regime, multiparty democracy became a winner-takes-all strategy to capture the state and distribute resources to ruling party members and supporters. Some successful private businesses relied heavily on ties to a corrupt government. The president and his family used political influence to secure these new business opportunities. This new system opened the way for siphoning off public resources and the spread of corruption, impoverishing Guineans. It continued after the Conté regime ended and even under Alpha Condé’s democratic rule.

Responsibility for poor natural resource management and corruption in Guinea lies with both the country’s elites and the foreign companies investing there. The primary objective of these companies is to export minerals at minimal cost, often disregarding national laws and regulations. For years, some companies underreported raw materials exported to refineries to minimize taxes and maximize profits, often with the complicity of local corporate officers and certain government officials. In such circumstances, tax evasion and corruption deprive the state of revenue essential for national development. At the same time, weak regulatory oversight fosters impunity and has led to situations in which companies disregard the state and local Guinean communities.

Rio Tinto’s building in Perth, Australia (Photo: Eric Fidler / Flickr [CC BY-NC 2.0])

Because of the Guinean government’s greed and vulnerability, companies sometimes fail to honor contracts signed with it. Rio Tinto, which obtained the full mining rights for Simandou iron ore, and Alufer, which mines bauxite, are cases in point. Despite the importance of the Simandou mine, Rio Tinto did not prioritize its development; instead, it used Simandou as leverage to quickly raise funds on international markets and invest elsewhere. When the 2008 financial crisis created a need for cash, Rio Tinto re-evaluated the mine, claimed it was more valuable than previously reported, attracted more investors, and resolved its financial problems.

As Rio Tinto delayed development and failed to meet project goals—while allegedly downplaying Simandou’s value to keep competitors at bay—the government revoked the company’s exploration license in July 2008. The Guinean government then granted a license to explore half the deposit to BSGR (Beny Steinmetz Group Resources). BSGR is registered in Guernsey, a Channel Islands tax haven, and is associated with Israeli diamond billionaire Beny Steinmetz. Rio Tinto protested vehemently.

BSGR’s acquisition of part of the Simandou deposit was reported as a corruption scandal. In 2009, BSGR purchased rights at Simandou for just US$165 million. Eighteen months later, it sold half of them to the Brazilian mining company Vale, a Rio Tinto rival, for US$2.5 billion. Beny Steinmetz and two associates were suspected of bribing the wife of the late President Lansana Conté and meeting with other government officials to gain easy access to the vast, untapped iron ore in Guinea’s Simandou region, allegations that later led to a trial. While that trial may have contributed to the fight against international corruption to some extent, it can be seen as a struggle for economic gains among powerful companies rather than a victory for the country’s impoverished people.

Environmental issues and policy shifts

The actions of foreign mining companies operating in Guinea affect not only the economy but also the environment. According to a 2018 Human Rights Watch report, dust generated by bauxite mining and transportation enters the homes and fields of people living near mines, raising concerns about air quality and health risks. These activities also harm water resources, affecting rivers, streams, and groundwater essential for drinking water access and irrigation of farmland.

A bulk carrier being loaded with bauxite (Photo: Igor Grochev / Shutterstock.com)

In 2023, cargo ships of Alufer and Bel Air Mining were damaged at sea in the Gulf of Guinea, causing a spill of about 7,500 tons of bauxite from the cargo and fuel. Bauxite contains toxic and radioactive substances that can destroy critical marine ecosystems such as coral reefs and mangroves and contaminate the food chain. The disaster also directly affected local fishers who depend on these marine resources for their livelihoods. Executives at Alufer, who had ignored the country’s mining regulations, did not immediately report the accident to the Ministry of Mines. They violated Guinea’s Mining Code, which requires mining companies to report major accidents to the authorities within 72 or 24 hours.

After confirming the incident from fishers and others, the Ministry of Mines requested a temporary suspension of Alufer’s loading operations. Despite the seriousness of the incident, Alufer executives pushed for an immediate resumption of operations and even attempted to bribe ministry officials. The attempt failed, and the ministry imposed the maximum fine of US$7 million. Guinean authorities also launched an investigation and detained several people involved in corruption during the incident. Furthermore, the investigation revealed that the declared prices of Alufer’s and other ships’ cargoes were four times lower than the actual prices, affecting the taxes and duties owed.

It also emerged that the company had not paid import duties on equipment estimated at several million US dollars. In addition, Alufer failed to pay Guinean subcontractors (including the local transport company Mariguia), which later went bankrupt. There were also reports that Alufer and its subcontractors did not engage in economic activities that benefited local communities, and that working conditions for Guineans employed by these companies were poor. Workers faced the risk of being fired if they voiced concerns or protested. However, the response to environmental destruction and corruption in the mining sector clearly contrasted with how previous governments had operated.

The current military regime appears more determined than its predecessors to improve mineral resource governance. Mamadi Doumbouya has repeatedly called on mining operators to strictly comply with legal and contractual obligations. Corruption in Guinea’s mining sector has been systemic and deeply entrenched; in Transparency International’s 2021 Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), the country ranked 150th out of 176 countries, highlighting how pervasive corruption was at the time of the coup. Allegations of bribery and under-the-table deals had become commonplace, involving senior officials, local authorities, and domestic and foreign actors. The current government’s policies aimed at combating corruption and improving governance in Guinea’s mining sector seem to be yielding positive results, including a rank of 133rd in the 2024 CPI.

Mamadi Doumbouya, who seized power in a coup (Photo: Paul Kagame / Flickr [CC BY-NC-ND 2.0])

Conclusion

Despite its mineral wealth, Guinea’s population remains largely impoverished. Poor resource management and the siphoning off of benefits through corruption have deprived the state of revenue crucial for national development. To ensure real economic growth and public well-being, the country needs to improve governance. The current military regime’s efforts to strengthen governance are noteworthy, but they may not endure if the country’s leadership changes. Attempts at reform during the ostensibly democratic Alpha Condé era did not deliver results, and the government’s weakness in dealing with foreign companies developing natural resources became evident.

Similar patterns can be observed in many other African countries. Military regimes that have taken power in Africa appear to gain domestic popularity by achieving results in confrontations with powerful international companies perceived as exploiting national resources—for example, Mali’s regime and Barrick Gold, or Niger and Orano. This does not mean that non-democratic and sometimes brutal military regimes should be justified. It means African politicians need to care more about the well-being of their people than about the presidency, personal gain, or the interests of their families and associates.

Establishing and entrenching strong, transparent institutions for natural resource management and international cooperation to combat cross-border corruption should be priorities for resource-rich African countries whose populations are impoverished by the very resources they possess. As the world tackles sustainable development, equitable resource distribution, and good governance, Guinea’s struggles are both a warning to others and a call to greater action.

Writer: Gaius Ilboudo

Translation: Kyoka Wada

Graphics: Ayane Ishida

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