A Country Like the Islamic State: The Reality of Saudi Arabia

by Yuka Komai | 22 June 2017 | Agriculture/resources, Conflict/military, Global View, Law/human rights, Middle East/North Africa

When you hear public executions, war and terrorism, and the spread of extremist ideology, the first thing that probably comes to mind is the extremist group the Islamic State (IS). While IS is condemned around the world, Saudi Arabia engages in and supports practices strikingly similar to it, yet still strides confidently on the stage of the “international community.” Recently, the king visited Japan, China, Indonesia, and other countries, where he was warmly received, and the kingdom drew attention as the first country visited after U.S. President Donald Trump took office; the two countries affirmed strengthening their “anti-terror alliance.” In reality, however, it is far from anti-terrorism. The human rights situation at home is so dire that some intellectuals call it a “state like IS.” Abroad, the government, royal family, religious figures, and private organizations are carrying out activities extremely close to IS, such as promoting the spread of extremist ideology. Here I want to focus on the actual situation inside and outside such a state, Saudi Arabia, and consider the world that tolerates it.

Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince and Minister of Defense: Mohammed bin Salman Photo: Jim Mattis /Flickr [CC BY 2.0]

The Wahhabi sect that dominates Saudi society and culture is a form of intolerant and extreme Islamic fundamentalism that does not recognize other sects. The king’s dictatorial regime adds fuel to this ideology, and acts that harm citizens physically and mentally are condoned under domestic law. In 2016 alone, more than 150 people were publicly executed by beheading, shooting, etc., and 47 people, including several participants in anti-government demonstrations, were executed as “terrorists.” Executioners show no mercy even when the condemned are minors. Trials lack fairness, and even minor offenses such as drug-related crimes can result in the death penalty. It is also not uncommon for suspects to be tortured—such as receiving hundreds of lashings in solitary confinement, cut off from access to lawyers—until they “confess” to their crimes; even foreigners who do not understand the language may be convicted without an interpreter. Women are not only prohibited from obtaining driver’s licenses, but in some cases cannot receive hospital treatment or higher education, take a job, or even go out without a male “guardian.” Furthermore, violent acts against minors such as stoning, amputation of limbs, flogging, and public execution are considered legal. Civil liberties such as freedom of expression, association, and assembly are not recognized, and there have been many cases of detaining journalists and human rights activists. Deep-rooted discrimination against minorities such as Shia and migrant workers restricts access to public services like education and limits employment conditions.

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So far we have looked at human rights violations inside the country, but the tragedies Saudi Arabia brings about are not confined within its borders. The country has formed a coalition of Arab states and intervened in the conflict in neighboring Yemen, and the situation—together with conditions in Somalia, South Sudan, and Nigeria—has been called “the worst humanitarian crisis since World War II.” Saudi-led airstrikes have indiscriminately destroyed not only military targets but also civilian areas of activity in Yemen—schools, markets, mosques, and refugee camps. The death toll from this conflict already exceeds 10,000 directly killed; including indirect deaths from hunger and disease, the number is many times higher. In addition to homes and livelihoods, more than 160 hospitals and medical facilities have been attacked, and only 45% of medical facilities are currently functioning—less than half of what should be operating.

Furthermore, Saudi Arabia’s naval blockade has halted logistics. In Yemen, which relied on imports for 90% of its food, more than 14 million people face starvation, over half of children are malnourished, and a young life is lost every 10 minutes. When logistics stop, economic activity inevitably declines, security deteriorates, it becomes difficult to obtain even essential medicines, sewage treatment is disrupted, and even access to sanitary water becomes hard. Due to these compounding factors, cholera is now rampant in Yemen, and more than 100,000 people are said to be infected, huddling together in overwhelmed hospitals as they hover between life and death. In principle, all of this could have been prevented, but the coalition led by Saudi Arabia has chosen to “continue the conflict,” and this continues to take the lives of the people of Yemen.

A Saudi soldier standing in a destroyed city in Yemen (Yemen)

A Saudi soldier standing in a destroyed Yemeni city Photo: AHMED FARWAN /flickr [CC BY-SA 2.0]

Saudi influence abroad is not limited to direct intervention in war. By devoting resources to propagating Wahhabism overseas, it contributes to the spread of extremist ideology. Enormous investments have been made in publishing translated Wahhabi texts, building schools and mosques around the world, and advertising media. In fact, in Indonesia and Pakistan, traditionally moderate Islamic frameworks are collapsing and shifting toward more restrictive forms of belief. Moreover, the texts IS used up to 2015 are the same as those used in Saudi Arabia as school textbooks, and many young people who learned from these texts have been driven to jihad and suicide bombings.

Support for IS is not limited to the ideological. It is said that financial assistance also comes from within Saudi Arabia. As evidence, a leaked email from Hillary Clinton last year stated that “we need to use our diplomatic and more traditional intelligence assets to bring pressure on the governments of Saudi Arabia and Qatar, which are providing clandestine financial and logistic support to ISIL.” There is no evidence of official government support, but it is thought that Saudi private organizations and individuals close to the royal family have provided support in the past. Still, it is certain that Clinton’s statement has been taken as implying government action and cannot be ignored. Because of this history of providing IS with both ideological and financial backing, Saudi Arabia has even been described as “the father of IS.”

On the other hand, Saudi Arabia has formed an anti-terror alliance with the United States and also shows moves to suppress terrorism by groups such as al-Qaeda affiliates and IS. While it would be easy to manipulate homegrown Wahhabi extremist groups and use them as counterweights against the Syrian and Iranian governments, the kingdom feared that the now-uncontrollable IS would turn its sights on Saudi Arabia itself. In fact, IS regards the Saudi government as a betrayer of Islam and, at least on the surface, treats it as an enemy, suggesting the relationship between the two is not monolithic. However, the fact that 15 of the 19 perpetrators who allegedly hijacked the planes in the 2001 terrorist attacks in the United States were Saudi nationals, and that there has been funding and arms support for al-Qaeda-affiliated rebel forces in Syria, makes it obvious to everyone that Saudi Arabia’s label as an “anti-terror state” is mere pretense.

Finally, I want to think about why the world tolerates the reality of such a state, forms alliances with it, and even actively supports it. The reasons Saudi Arabia’s world-class human rights abuses are tolerated boil down mainly to three: oil, the investment of oil money that comes from it, and expectations as a buyer of weapons. In particular, the American and British arms industries are closely tied to Saudi Arabia’s oil industry. In 2015, Saudi Arabia accounted for 83% of the UK’s military exports, and the current arms deals between the Trump administration and Saudi Arabia total more than $100 billion. It is the US and the UK that are backing the Saudi-led airstrikes in the aforementioned Yemen conflict. The cluster munitions used in the airstrikes were supplied by the US and the UK, and the use of these weapons—as well as landmines similarly used in this conflict—is prohibited under international treaties signed by the vast majority of countries. Furthermore, Japan depends on Saudi Arabia for as much as 41% of its oil imports.

Given that Saudi Arabia has major powers on its side, even the United Nations finds it difficult to respond. In fact, in response to the devastating situation in Yemen, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon placed Saudi Arabia on a blacklist as a country that “violates children’s rights,” but after being threatened with the suspension of contributions, it was removed in just one week.

Over Saudi Arabia’s oil interests, enormous amounts of money and weapons flow from actors around the world, and even UN bodies that are supposed to contribute to international peace must be said to be powerless in the face of Saudi contributions. Ironically, Saudi Arabia has been elected to the UN Commission on the Status of Women and even the UN Human Rights Council. As long as the world’s industries depend on oil, oil resources will be a major source of power that fuels Saudi tyranny. Unless we look at what lies behind our affluent lives, the day we can solve this problem will never come.