Guinea-Bissau is a small country in West Africa. In September 2019, more than 1.8 tonnes of cocaine were seized there—the largest cocaine seizure ever in both Guinea-Bissau and West Africa. In fact, this small country occupies an important position as a transit point on the drug route from South America to Europe, and in recent years has experienced continued political turmoil stemming from narcotics passing through its territory.

For example, in February 2022 there was an attempted coup believed to have involved drug trafficking organizations, in which many members of the security forces were killed. There are also suspicions that the son of former Guinea-Bissau president Malam Bacai Sanhá was involved in drug dealing behind this attempted coup. While the proceeds from drug trafficking line the pockets of complicit politicians and the military, they also contribute to the breakdown of the rule of law and social order at home. Furthermore, with increasing drug production in South America and growing demand in Europe, Guinea-Bissau and West Africa as a whole are increasingly incorporated as trafficking corridors connecting the two regions. As a result, Guinea-Bissau is becoming ever more closely tied to international drug trafficking networks and is being used more and more as a hub for the trade.

This article explores the background of the drug trafficking problem with a focus on Guinea-Bissau, clarifies its mechanisms and major actors, and considers the impact of political corruption and social destabilization.

Guinea-Bissau’s president welcoming the president of Rwanda at the presidential palace (Photo: Paul Kagame / Flickr [CC BY-NC-ND 2.0])

Understanding Guinea-Bissau through its historical background

Located in West Africa, Guinea-Bissau faces the Atlantic Ocean and borders Senegal to the north and Guinea to the east and south. Its total area is about 36,130 square kilometers and its population was 2.15 million as of 2023. Though small, it has a very rich natural environment. The country consists of a mainland and an archipelago; the Bijagós Islands comprise more than 80 islands, large and small. There are also countless rivers and expansive mangrove wetlands.

Guinea-Bissau is one of the major producers of cashew nuts; cashews are a key export and a major source of income for the country. Besides cashews, crops such as rice, maize, and beans are cultivated. Fisheries are also important to the economy, not only for domestic consumption but also for export. The timber industry contributes as well, but it faces issues with illegal logging and environmental concerns, making sustainability a challenge. Lastly, thanks to its coastline and natural environment, tourism is active. At the same time, infrastructure and safety issues place constraints on the sector’s development.

The territory of present-day Guinea-Bissau once saw highly diverse political systems, with different forms of governance in different regions (※1). Many ethnic groups such as the Mandinka, Fula, Balanta, and Pepel lived there, each with its own political structures. These groups adopted governance based on traditional leadership, with village society at the center of administration. In many areas, religion and politics were closely intertwined, and religious rituals functioned as a key element supporting political legitimacy. This strengthened the legitimacy of political decisions and governance through religious authority.

Cashew nuts shipped (Photo: jbdodane / Flickr [CC BY-NC 2.0])

With the Age of Discovery in the 15th century, Portugal expanded into the Guinea-Bissau region in 1446 and established the Guinea Company in 1482. Strengthening its military influence in the area, Portugal began the slave trade based in the northwestern city of Cacheu, sending many residents of the region as slaves to the Americas and Europe. In 1630, Portugal established a governorate, and in 1687, Bissau—later to become the capital—was built as a hub for the slave trade. Until the late 19th century, Guinea-Bissau was part of the Cape Verde colony; after the abolition of slavery in 1836, it became a separate colony in 1879.

In 1956, after years of colonial rule, an independence and national liberation movement was launched led by Amílcar Cabral, who founded the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC). Although the movement initially aimed for a moderate path to independence, the Pijiguiti massacre in 1959—when striking dockworkers in Bissau were killed by Portuguese forces—triggered a shift to armed guerrilla struggle. In 1963 the independence war broke out when the PAIGC attacked Portuguese military bases. The PAIGC fought the Portuguese with support from the Soviet Union and Cuba.

In 1973, Cabral was assassinated in Conakry, Guinea, by the Portuguese secret police PIDE. However, his brother Luís Cabral took control of the PAIGC, and the independence struggle intensified. On October 24 of the same year, after liberating over three-quarters of the territory, the PAIGC declared the independence of the state of Guinea-Bissau (from 1977, the Republic of Guinea-Bissau) in the eastern town of Madina do Boé. Luís Cabral became Guinea-Bissau’s first president.

After independence, the PAIGC sought unification with Cape Verde. However, because Luís Cabral had roots in Cape Verde and people of Cape Verdean origin had held high political positions since colonial times, there was resentment toward the Cape Verdean community within Guinea-Bissau. In 1980, João Vieira staged a coup that ousted Luís Cabral, and unification with Cape Verde did not come to pass.

Even after independence, coups and armed conflicts occurred frequently, exposing the fragility of the governance system. In particular, the succession of military coups since the 1980s undermined national stability and eroded the government’s credibility.

The coast and estuary of Guinea-Bissau (Photo: Rawpixel [CC0 1.0])

Why does drug trafficking occur? Who is involved?

According to a report by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), South America accounts for about 75% of global cocaine production. The main production areas are Peru, Colombia, and Bolivia. Cocaine refined in these regions is smuggled primarily to high-income countries, notably North America and Europe, where, compared to other drugs, it is more expensive and thus consumption is concentrated.

Much of the cocaine smuggled from South America to Europe first crosses the Atlantic to West Africa, and Guinea-Bissau is an important transit point. This route is known as the “West Africa corridor,” and it utilizes land, sea, and air routes in many configurations. In particular, hidden ports in the Bijagós Islands and along the Rio Geba in Guinea-Bissau play a crucial role as consolidation points for narcotics. The reasons cocaine is transported from South America to West Africa include the difficulty of monitoring and controlling the vast West African coastline and the collusion between trafficking groups and local elites or the military. Traffickers can therefore use small aircraft and vessels to bring drugs into the region. Direct transport to Europe requires long-haul flights and carries higher risks of inspection and interdiction. By first moving shipments to an area with relatively less surveillance—namely West Africa—they can reduce those risks. The main final destinations are Portugal and Spain, from which the drugs spread across Europe.

Drug trafficking in Guinea-Bissau involves multiple Latin American trafficking organizations, corrupt politicians, and military officers. They cooperate and form networks to facilitate smuggling. The military’s involvement is particularly notable: parts of the armed forces collude with traffickers, assisting in the transport and storage of drugs, or even using proceeds to purchase weapons—meaning agencies that should be cracking down on trafficking instead end up abetting it in some cases. Moreover, Guinea-Bissau’s many islands are hard to monitor, and even when smuggling is spotted, it may be ignored, making the country well suited as a cover for trafficking. These factors enable traffickers to evade enforcement and expand their activities.

In fact, not only Guinea-Bissau but also other West African countries are used as transit points along the routes described above. Countries such as Sierra Leone, Liberia, the Gambia, Senegal, and Mali, like Guinea-Bissau, have political and economic vulnerabilities that make them attractive targets for traffickers. In these countries as well, corrupt bureaucrats and military personnel are involved in trafficking, allowing the trade to expand.

Created based on UNODC data

Drug trafficking and the corruption of politics

As we have seen, in Guinea-Bissau drug trafficking is closely intertwined with politics. Corrupt politicians receive bribes from trafficking organizations to maintain their positions and extract rents. In turn, these organizations can evade government crackdowns and continue operating. Trafficking groups also sometimes fund elections and back politicians favorable to their interests.

The Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime (GITOC) argues that the political instability enabling drug trafficking stems mainly from four factors. First, an economic structure that concentrates state resources in the hands of a narrow elite entrenches inequality. Second, the military wields outsized power and exerts strong influence over illicit markets and politics. Third, elites enjoy impunity, and their involvement in illegal markets is expanding. Fourth, elites’ dependence on illicit income and a weak tax base sap political will and lead to a disconnect from citizens’ needs.

Frequent upheavals, military coups, and attempted coups continue, leaving government capacity and the political situation extremely unstable. Amid this political turmoil, drug traffickers have deepened collusion with politicians and military officers and maintained their influence. In particular, assassinations, coups, and attempted coups discussed below are suspected of ties to drug trafficking, highlighting the seriousness of state corruption.

For instance, on March 2, 2009, an assassination of then-President Vieira took place. The incident is believed to have been a reprisal for the March 1 killing of Army Chief of Staff Batista Tagme Na Waie. President Vieira had earlier taken power in a military coup and was later re-elected, but tensions with the military persisted.

The parliament of Guinea-Bissau (Photo: Colleen Taugher / Wikimedia Commons [CC BY 2.0])

Subsequently, on April 1, 2010, Army Chief of Staff General António Indjai detained then–Prime Minister Carlos Gomes Júnior, and also temporarily detained the army’s top officer, General José Zamora. General Indjai then demanded the dismissal of Prime Minister Gomes. This drew strong international criticism; while he ultimately retained his position as the military leader, the incident further deepened domestic instability. On December 26, 2011, there was another attempted coup incident, which was repelled by government forces and failed.

Less than six months later, in April 2012, the military staged a coup. This coup ousted then-President Kariu Famé Gomes and led to a brief period of military control. Eventually, intervention by the African Union and the United Nations led to efforts to stabilize the political situation, but challenges remained for the country’s long-term stability. Elections were held in 2014, and the country appeared to regain a degree of stability, but as noted at the outset, there was an attempted coup in 2022.

This political and economic instability is considered one factor behind drug trafficking. Some argue that the massive profits from drug trafficking are prioritized over legitimate economic activity, leaving the national budget short of tax revenues and resulting in neglect of public services and infrastructure. This further impoverishes the poor and increases social discontent. Drug money also fuels corruption among the military and politicians, undermining transparency and trust in state institutions. Consequently, the rule of law collapses and citizens are left without legal protection. This hampers sustainable development and worsens livelihoods in Guinea-Bissau. Within the country, religious groups have called on the government to strengthen enforcement; the Catholic Church in particular strongly asserts that narcotics are destroying the economy and causing social instability.

Cocaine seized in West Africa (Photo: ISN / Flickr [CC BY-NC-ND 2.0])

Measures to address the drug trafficking problem

Various domestic and international measures are underway to address drug trafficking in Guinea-Bissau. While some government officials are involved in trafficking, there are also efforts being implemented by the government as a whole. Guinea-Bissau has organizations to counter transnational crime that carry out operations together with the police. For example, in 2019 it carried out Operation Carapau, which, as mentioned at the beginning, succeeded in seizing a large quantity of cocaine. President Umaro Sissoco Embaló has adopted a “zero tolerance” policy toward drug trafficking, and since taking office in 2020 has strengthened police enforcement capacity and replaced leaders in the navy and judicial police. Under Embaló’s administration, a tough stance has also been taken against military personnel and politicians believed to be involved in trafficking.

However, due to factors such as corruption, a lack of resources, and political instability, the overall effectiveness has been limited, and the government of Guinea-Bissau—recognizing domestic measures are insufficient—seeks cooperation with international and regional organizations. Cooperation with the United Nations (UN) is a particular priority, and UNODC provides strategic and technical support to the government. In 2019, when the police seized cocaine arriving by sea, the government requested assistance from INTERPOL, joined by Brazil’s Federal Police and Colombia’s National Police. Cooperation with Portugal’s law enforcement has also been strengthened for joint investigations and crackdowns.

Regarding regional organizations, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), a subregional body established in 1975 to promote economic integration in West Africa (※2), is working to support stability in Guinea-Bissau. For instance, following the attempted coup in 2022, ECOWAS deployed a 600-strong force to strengthen security. ECOWAS also steps in when the country’s instability leaves it unable to respond adequately to natural disasters (※3). In this way, regional cooperation helps compensate for the Guinea-Bissau government’s shortfalls not only on drug trafficking but also on security and other issues.

At a port in Guinea-Bissau (Photo: Joehawkins / Wikimedia Commons [CC BY-SA 4.0])

Outlook

As we have seen, drug trafficking in Guinea-Bissau has serious impacts on the country’s politics, economy, and society. While some in the government and military are involved in trafficking, the root causes lie in international factors. In particular, rising demand for cocaine in Europe is spurring smuggling from South America, and it is easy to imagine that South American criminal organizations will continue to use West African countries, including Guinea-Bissau, as optimal routes to Europe. Therefore, this issue is not merely a problem for Guinea-Bissau or the West African region—it requires a broader, global response. Cooperation and effective measures by foreign and international organizations are necessary, and without strengthened coordination both within and beyond the region, improvement will be difficult.

※1 Guinea-Bissau was home to many ethnic groups such as the Mandinka, Fula, Balanta, and Pepel, each with its own political structures. These groups adopted governance based on traditional leadership, and village society was central to administration. In some regions the Mandinka were particularly influential and dominated smaller neighboring groups. The Mandinka’s ties to the Mali Empire and its successor states, and their embrace of Islam, strengthened their political and religious authority. This background underpinned Mandinka political power.

These villages had assemblies or councils that made decisions about land ownership and agricultural production, and operated with an emphasis on communal interests. This decentralized political structure emphasized regional independence and autonomy. In addition, federal-type structures formed among some groups, with multiple villages or territories forming alliances for common defense and trade. This gave small, individual societies the ability to withstand external threats. Such federal arrangements promoted cooperation and mutual support among regions.

※2 Member states are the 15 countries of Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Côte d’Ivoire, the Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, and Togo. ECOWAS aims to ensure political stability as a foundation for economic integration and works to strengthen defense, conflict resolution, and security functions.

※3 For example, the major floods of 2022 had significant impacts on agriculture, infrastructure, housing, and more, causing food issues and other problems. ECOWAS provided grants in response, enabling about 25,000 flood victims to receive assistance.

Writer: Angela Kim

Graphics: MIKI Yuna

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