On 1/30/2025, in the Nicaraguan National Assembly, a package of constitutional reforms granting expansive powers to the presidential couple received unanimous approval for the second time. As a result, President Daniel Ortega and his wife, Vice President Rosario Murillo, will assume the role of “co-presidents,” the presidential term will be extended from 5 to 6 years, and unlimited reelection will be permitted. In addition, each co-president will be able to appoint any number of vice presidents.
With the strengthening of presidential powers in this way, there are concerns about the further deterioration of human rights violations that have continued since the protests sparked by the 2018 social security reforms. The reasons include the strengthening of presidential authority over the judiciary and legislature, and the formal constitutional codification of military involvement in policing for the purpose of maintaining public order. At GNV, we previously reported on the initial approval of the constitutional reform package on 2024/11/22. This article takes a comprehensive look at the history leading up to such constitutional changes by the Ortega couple and their impacts.
President Daniel Ortega (Photo: Cubadebate / Flickr [CC BY-NC-SA 2.0])
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History of Nicaragua
First, let us look at the history of Nicaragua. Nicaragua lies in the heart of Central America, bordering Honduras to the north and Costa Rica to the south. It faces the Caribbean Sea to the east and the Pacific Ocean to the west, and has the largest land area in Central America. There are records indicating that people lived in what is now Nicaragua as early as 12,000 BCE. Multiple indigenous groups formed within what is now Nicaraguan territory, maintaining distinct social structures while under the influence of the Aztec and Maya empires, but no unified empire was established.
Spanish incursions began around 1522, and by 1524 the region had been colonized. Within 30 years of the start of the incursions, the indigenous population, estimated at about one million, had plummeted to only tens of thousands. Much of this was attributed not to warfare but to epidemics such as infectious diseases brought by the Spanish and to being caught up in human trafficking to Spain. Afterward, many settlers from Spain established themselves there. From the 17th to 18th centuries, the Mosquito Coast on Nicaragua’s eastern shore was also controlled as a British protectorate. Under the influence of Spain and others, about half of Nicaraguans today practice Catholicism.
In 1821, Nicaragua declared independence from Spain, but was incorporated into the First Mexican Empire (※1), which had also just gained independence from Spain. Although there was a movement toward full independence, in 1823 Nicaragua was integrated into the Federal Republic of Central America along with Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. Citing conflicts within the federation, Nicaragua withdrew in 1838, becoming a fully independent state. After independence, political rivalry continued between the colonial cities of Granada and León. Granada was the base of the centralist, liberal current, while León was the base of the conservative current that favored decentralization.
In the latter half of the 19th century, Nicaragua drew attention as a potential site for a canal connecting the Pacific and Atlantic, and the United States began to exert influence over Nicaragua. Including Nicaragua, the countries of Latin America became a region subject to repeated U.S. military interventions and political interference after the Spanish–American War of 1898, and were sometimes called “banana republics.” The term stems from the situation in which U.S. companies such as the United Fruit Company expanded into Latin American countries and U.S. economic interests strongly influenced these nations. In this context, the United States exploited Nicaragua’s political divide between liberals and conservatives to intervene in its politics. For example, in 1855, the American mercenary William Walker concluded a military contract with the liberals. When the liberals defeated the conservatives in the civil war, Walker seized power within the liberal camp and in 1856 proclaimed himself president of Nicaragua. He attempted to expand his influence in Central America, but was defeated by neighboring countries that saw him as a threat and resigned the presidency in 1857.
Thereafter, conservative rule continued, but in 1893 the liberal José Santos Zelaya launched a rebellion and assumed the presidency. Although a liberal, Zelaya ruled by authoritarian means and clashed with the United States over canal construction rights. In 1909, U.S. military intervention forced Zelaya to resign, and a conservative president took office. The conservative government later concluded the Bryan–Chamorro Treaty with the United States, allowing for the establishment of a canal and military bases. This continued until August 1925, when U.S. forces temporarily withdrew from Nicaragua.
Conflicts between conservatives and liberals persisted, and in 1926/5 U.S. forces again intervened in Nicaragua. The U.S. military mediated peace between the two factions, and the war ended in 1927. After the war, presidential elections were held, and when Juan Bautista Sacasa took office in 1933, U.S. troops withdrew.
Somoza welcomed by the Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives (Photo: Harris & Ewing / Wikimedia Commons [public domain])
Subsequently, Anastasio Somoza García, who headed Nicaragua’s National Guard, forced Sacasa out with support from both liberal and conservative factions and, through a fraudulent election, took office as president in 1937. From then until 1979, the Somoza family maintained a dictatorship. Behind this was said to be U.S. economic and military support for the regime. This support allowed the Somoza family and their associates to amass wealth and expand the purchase of farmland, reportedly seizing land from about 200,000 farmers.
By controlling key industries such as agriculture, mining, and finance, they enabled the accumulation of vast wealth by the Somoza family, domestic businesses, and U.S. companies, while the majority of the population fell into poverty. In 1961, the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) was founded to liberate Nicaragua from the control of the Somoza regime and the U.S. government. At the time, the FSLN received support from the Soviet Union. In 1979/7, anti-government forces led by the FSLN launched a revolution against the Somoza regime, bringing the family dictatorship to an end.
Politics after the Sandinista Revolution
In 1979/7, after the revolution, the FSLN established a Government of National Reconstruction composed of several leaders, headed by Daniel Ortega, now the president of Nicaragua, and in 1980 formed a Council of State. Ortega served as president from 1980 to 1985. The government implemented land reform and the nationalization of key industries to address poverty and redistribute wealth. The decrees that functioned as a provisional constitution guaranteed citizens’ fundamental rights and freedoms, and the Sandinista revolution is noted to have been on a path toward democratization.
Contra soldiers during the war with the FSLN (Photo: Tiomono / Wikimedia Commons [CC BY-SA 3.0])
However, viewing the revolution as a shift to communism, the United States once again intensified its intervention in Nicaragua. President Ronald Reagan provided economic and military support to anti-government forces represented by the Contras (※2). In 1984, amid this, the Nicaraguan government brought a case before the International Court of Justice (ICJ), arguing that the mining of its territorial waters by the United States violated international law. In 1986, the ICJ ruled that the U.S. actions violated international law and ordered reparations to Nicaragua, but the United States did not recognize the ICJ’s jurisdiction in the matter and did not accept the judgment. The war between the Contras and the FSLN continued until a ceasefire was reached in 1988. During that time, numerous human rights violations by the Contras occurred, and they are said to have killed approximately 8,000 civilians and 910 government personnel.
In 1990, the first presidential election after the war was held. In this election, the FSLN lost to the U.S.-backed National Opposition Union (UNO), and Violeta Barrios de Chamorro took office as president. The Chamorro administration undertook reforms that reversed many of the FSLN’s policies. One example was the removal of Ortega’s brother, former army commander Humberto Ortega. His resignation is said to have strengthened civilian control over the military and increased the armed forces’ stability. The administration also worked to promote national peace, including the disarmament of the Contras and a reduction in the size of the national army.
Under the Chamorro administration, liberal economic reforms were also enacted, with agreements concluded with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, and financing secured. In particular, an economic policy known as the “100-day plan” or the “Mayorga Plan” sought to reduce the fiscal deficit and curb inflation. However, rising unemployment and prices triggered by the plan led to strikes across both the public and private sectors.
FSLN mural (Photo: Garrett Ziegler / Flickr [CC BY-NC-ND 2.0])
Governments with a neoliberal ideology continued thereafter, but the FSLN’s Ortega was elected again as president in 2006/11. One reason cited for his victory was his strong appeal to address Nicaragua’s severe poverty. Additionally, winning the support of the Catholic Church is also said to have been one factor. For example, shortly before the election, a total abortion ban bill long sought by the Church was passed in a legislature dominated by the FSLN.
Upon taking office, Ortega supported the recent liberal economic orientation. For example, the Central America–Dominican Republic Free Trade Agreement (DR-CAFTA) concluded in 2006 helped attract foreign investment, which is said to have boosted job creation and economic development in Nicaragua. He also worked to build peaceful relations with neighboring countries. Specifically, he contributed to resolving the long-standing maritime dispute with Honduras and the conflict over use of the San Juan River, which forms part of the border between Nicaragua and Costa Rica.
At the same time, there were moves to consolidate his political base. In 2011/10, the constitutional provision prohibiting consecutive presidential reelection was lifted, and he was reelected in the presidential election that November. In the parliamentary elections, the FSLN won 62 of 90 seats, enabling Ortega to count on the support of his party in the legislature. In 2016, constitutional reforms allowing him to run for three consecutive presidential terms were approved. Since 2017, Ortega’s wife, Rosario Murillo, has served as vice president.
2018 protest march (Photo: Jorge Mejía peralta / Wikimedia Commons [CC BY 2.0])
However, there was resistance to FSLN rule. For example, in 2018/4, demonstrations lasting several days were sparked by social security reforms, which the government suppressed violently. The reforms sought to secure funding for social security by increasing contributions from workers and employers and by reducing pension benefits paid to retirees. In response to the government’s crackdown on the protests, tens of thousands again marched in the capital. By 7 of the same year, the number of people killed in protests and related actions had exceeded 300. Ortega ultimately rescinded the reform package. The Church’s cooperation with protesters during the demonstrations is said to have led to a breakdown in Ortega’s previously good relations with the Catholic Church.
Human rights violations have continued since then, and according to a United Nations report released in 2024/9, abuses against critics of the government have progressively expanded and intensified. The report states that repression against religious groups and NGOs that served as hubs for protests has also worsened. In fact, between 2023/10 and 2024/1, at least 27 Catholic priests and laypeople were arbitrarily arrested, and 31 members of the clergy were deported after long periods of detention. In 2024/8, 1,500 NGOs were outlawed, and in total more than 5,000 NGOs, universities, and media outlets have reportedly been shut down.
Impact and assessment of the constitutional reforms
As seen, Nicaragua has in recent years been moving toward greater authoritarianism and escalating human rights violations. In this context, on 2025/1/30 the National Assembly unanimously approved constitutional reforms granting expansive powers to the presidential couple, set to take effect. Some observers argue that these reforms guarantee presidential succession for the Ortega couple and their family, entrenching their power. As noted at the outset, the reforms not only strengthen the Ortega couple’s authority as co-presidents over the judiciary and legislature, but also legally justify military involvement in policing for public order.
There are also implications such as legalizing the designation of government critics as “traitors to the homeland” and stripping them of their nationality. This measure had been used even before it was legalized; for example, in 2023/2 a Nicaraguan court stripped 94 government critics, including human rights activists and journalists, of their citizenship, as reported. However, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has criticized this measure as a violation of international law. Beyond denationalization, repression such as persecution and imprisonment has become widespread, ensnaring opposition leaders and presidential candidates.
Protest by students (Photo: Jorge Mejía peralta / Flickr [CC BY 2.0])
In addition, the reforms further tighten control over the media. When the government has imposed regulations on Nicaraguan news outlets, it has sometimes claimed that those outlets were influenced by foreign countries such as the United States. In such cases, it was necessary to prove the existence of “foreign interests.” Under the new reforms, however, proving the existence of “foreign interests” is no longer required, enabling the government to impose broader restrictions on reporting. Many media workers have also been forced into exile by government repression, and most independent and opposition outlets now operate from abroad.
Outlook
This article has outlined Nicaragua’s history, its turn toward authoritarianism, and the escalation of human rights violations. Is there still a path toward democratization and improvement in human rights? Some members of the opposition and anti-government forces have been expelled from the country or stripped of their nationality by the government. There are also voices noting that exiled opposition groups have been unable to unite and thus cannot present a unified message as Nicaraguans to the international community. This situation is said to have contributed to insufficient attention abroad to Nicaragua’s internal problems.
That said, there are still voices from abroad. In April 2025, UN human rights experts published a list of 54 individuals, including senior government and military officials, suspected of involvement in systematic human rights violations in Nicaragua. Even so, prospects for improvement remain elusive and the situation is severe. Going forward, it remains to be seen whether external pressure will topple the government, or whether political change will come through the unity of the people.
※1 A constitutional monarchy that existed in Mexico from 1821 to 1823.
※2 A type of counterrevolutionary force that sought to overthrow the FSLN government. Originally, the Contras served as the National Guard under the Somoza regime.
Writer:Hayato Ishimoto
Graphics: MIKI Yuna
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